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Historians disagree as to whether the "Green Man" carving commonly found in churches, is an image predating Christianity.
To what extent does evidence support the case that it is?
i) Introduction
To say that there is a contradiction between the Green Man and its use in Christian churches, presupposes that the image
is of definite pagan origin. On many occasions, particularly from within the Church, the Green Man is referred to as having
pagan ancestry. When the large majority of examples exist within a Christian context, any such statement can only be an assumption.
The implication is that because no such symbols exist within Christian theology, that the Green Man must be a survival from
an earlier belief system, and there is limited evidence to show that the Green Man was present in the pre-Christian consciousness.
Whilst a lack of surviving examples may just be due to the passage of time, there is a further problem still. The examples
of the Green Man that pre-date Christianity do not wholly resemble those predominant in medieval religious architecture. In
recent years the writings of scholars such as William Anderson who have sought to rehabilitate such anomalous iconography,
by suggesting that whilst they may have their roots in a pagan belief system, their fulfillment only occurred within the milieu
of the Church. However, the purpose of this study will be to suggest a return to the earlier interpretation, that the Green
Man was already fully developed prior to the advent of its inclusion in the decoration of Christendom.
Many ancient cultures have mythological and ritual counterparts for the Green Man. Whilst in many cases there appears
to have been no comparable physical representation, there is a persistence of associated belief stretching from the earlier
recorded beliefs of man. It is sensible to first divide the cultures of the Mediterranean and Middle East in history from
those of Western Europe, where images of the green man are predominantly found today. Whilst the cultures of the cradle of
civilisation mingled from the second century BC onwards, it was not until much later that any contact with the northern 'barbarians'
occurred. Therefore, in many cases the belief systems of the numerous civilisations which established themselves in this area,
are observed to migrate chronologically and geographically through various societies.
ii) Prototypal Green Men in the Ancient Civilisations of the Mediterranean and Middle East
The first example of such imagery is found amongst the legends of one of the earliest civilisations, Sumer. This lays
down the template, which by coincidence or cultural diffusion, is adhered to throughout the myths of antiquity. The legend
of Dumuzi (see Appendix 1), or Tammuz as the Assyrians would later come to know him features a theme consistent with all succeeding
traditions, representing the ancients' explanation for the changing of the seasons. Dumuzi the god of vegetation is considered
to spend half the year in the underworld, during which time his influence over the fertility of the earth diminishes, in a
continuous cycle of death and rebirth. The progression of this basic legend across time and space can easily be charted. That
the Assyrians adopted it is hardly surprising, as by and large the pantheons of the two civilisations of Mesopotamia differed
in name only. Although it is not so immediately obvious, the myth of Adonis (see Appendix 2) is undoubtedly derived from this
earlier source. Adonis actually means 'lord,' (coming from the Semitic 'adon') and was the title given to Tammuz by his worshippers.
However, the Phoenicians misinterpreted this as the god's proper name, and hence their legend of Adonis was born. Although
on one hand it adds credence to the protagonist as a prototypal Green Man in having him born out of a tree, it also detracts
from it in one important sense. Rather than winter occurring through the absence of Adonis, it is due to the absence of fertility
goddess Aphrodite who descends to the underworld in search of him. Nevertheless, the consistency of the theme of cyclical
death and rebirth, can be interpreted as an important stepping stone in the road to the Green Man.
It is widely considered that the Phrygian legend of Attis (see Appendix 3) is similarly derived from the original Sumerian
source. Although the theme of death and rebirth is far more subtle than in preceding examples, it is a theme in common, whilst
similarity in the detail points to a common ancestry with the story of Adonis. Just as red anemones were supposed to have
grown from the blood of Adonis, the blood of Attis was considered to have given life to violets, and the pine. With regard
to Attis, far more important is his role as the civilising god. In prototypal Green Men this is another consistent theme;
that the god of vegetation is responsible for discovering various crops and teaching man how to cultivate them, hence creating
civilisation as the ancients knew it. This can also be seen in the Egyptian god Osiris (see Appendix 4). The only instance
from which it is missing is that of Adonis.
The overwhelming picture which emerges from this is that from the dawn of civilisation mankind has been concerned with
the beneficial nature of the anthropomorphic spirit of vegetation. This picture is consummated in the figure of Dionysus,
the Greek god vegetation, wine and ecstasy or Bacchus, his Roman counterpart. As one of the mystery religions of classical
religion the stories associated with the god vary geographically, often being adaptations of existing local traditions, and
are too numerous to mention. Nevertheless, most concern a resurrected god. Furthermore, Dionysus is always represented as
a cilivising deity, and although he is mostly with wine, the promotion of fertility in his cult strongly suggest his origins
as a god of vegetation and agriculture. He was initially associated with the sap of vegetation, and his followers believed
that as such the god deplored winter, with his ceremonies being held largely in the spring and summer. During the period of
winter, the aging Dionysus was considered to have descended to the underworld, and becomes associated with the Titan Okeanus,
which will become significant later in the study. Legends of Dionysus' upbringing assert that he was raised amongst the woodlands
and vineyards, which further indicates his status as a vegetative deity, as does his role as patron of cultivated trees.
However, purely observing the beliefs of earlier cultures is to omit one crucial aspect of the problem. The Green Man
is not an abstract idea, but a physical representation. In order to justify such a concept in the pre-Christian consciousness,
it is necessary to show evidence of such manifestations. In some cases, the relationship is clearly tenuous, and the weight
given to it depends on the acceptance of a connection between the Green Man and the May Day ceremonies of Western Europe.
This controversy will be addressed later, but assuming for the moment that such reborn vegetative deities such as Jack-in-the-Green
were indeed associated with the Green Man, then there are parallels in the earliest legends of Dumuzi. The legend of Dumuzi
is notable for being the first recorded instance of the resurrected vegetation deity in the human consciousness, but he was
never actually represented in a foliate motif. Yet, the rulers of Sumer considered that the only way to secure the rebirth
of their god, and hence the success of the years vegetation, was to assume the roles of Dumuzi and Innana in a sacred ritual.
Although there is still no overt foliate imagery, it nevertheless bears similarities to many of the May Day rituals.
In Phrygia and subsequently Rome, the rituals connected to the cult of Attis also feature a human representation of the
god, but with a degree of symbolism which connects it more firmly with the Green Man. The ceremony begins on 22nd March, when
a pine tree is cut from the woods, dressed in violets and adorned with an effigy of Attis. Hence, the sacred pine tree effectively
becomes an anthropomorphic representation of the vegetative deity. It is placed in the temple of Cybele, remaining until
the night of the 24th, during which period, the followers of Attis mourn their dead god. On the morning of the 25th, the vernal
equinox, the dead god was 'resurrected,' involving a cult acolyte hiding in the temple overnight and emerging the next morning
as a representation of Attis. The sacred pine and effigy were kept throughout the year to maintain the spirit of the vegetation,
which again has echoes in European May Day traditions such as the maypole.
Further examples of anthropomorphic representations of vegetation deities exist in the ancient world. With Osiris, a ritual
practiced by his devotees stems from the god's transformation into a tamarisk tree. The tree was felled and hollowed out,
with the debris being used to fashion an image of the god which is then placed within the hollow. Similarly, in Boetia, Dionysus
was represented as a post in a bearded mask, adorned with foliage and known as 'Dionysus in the tree.' In Corinth, the citizens
were commanded by the Delphic oracle to worship a specific pine tree as 'equal with the god,' causing it to be formed into
his image. However, the common image of the Green Man, whilst often found carved in wooden features, is only ever that - a
carving. It is never a anthropomorphic sacred tree, as it is in these cases.
This is not to say that artistic representations are absent, but they are the exception rather than the rule, and are
rarely overt. For instance, Osiris is frequently depicted as having a green face, as on a painting in the tomb of Queen Nefereti.
Whilst some commentators have placed great significance on this, it is a very dubious indicator. A more substantial connection
is inferred from artifacts such as the papyrus of Nekht, where the god is depicted with a green face, seated on a throne entwined
in ivy and vines. Similarly, a statue of Attis in the Lateran Museum, Rome, shows him wreathed in pine cones and ivy. Artistic
representations in classical civilisations are more common, but often these examples had no significance beyond the purely
decorative. The persistent architectural motif of peopled scrolls often depicts characters emerging from a foliate border,
whilst the Jupiter column shows the head of deities surrounded by acanthus leaves (which had already come to prominence on
the Corinthian column). However, artistic representations of Dionysus, which maintain a ritual context, do exist. Although
Dionysus is more often represented as an animal, his identification with Okeanos is frequently depicted as an aged leaf mask
such as in the Temple of Bacchus at Baalbek (c. AD 150), or on a dish from the Mildenhall horde (c. AD 200).
iii) Prototypal Green Men in the Celtic cultures of Western Europe
Whilst a transmission of belief across the civilisations of antiquity has been demonstrated, it does not itself account
for the origins of the Green Man. The majority of such representations lie exclusively in Western Europe, whilst the Mediterranean
and Middle East are singularly lacking in them. It cannot be proposed that these earlier traditions spread across Europe with
the Romans, as there is no evidence to suggest this. Therefore, it is also necessary to examine the early peoples of Europe,
to search for a similar archetype. A difficulty encountered when examining the culture of the Celts, is a lack of detailed
sources, as they had no written language. Artifacts represent most surviving primary evidence. Consequently, evidence for
a prototypal Green Man in the Celtic consciousness, is not as obvious.
Evidence for the Green Man in this regard derives from at least three areas, which are agreed upon as being central to
Celtic religious ideology. These are the veneration of sacred trees and groves, the cult of the head, and the cult of the
horned god. To begin with the first, much of the evidence for the worship of the tree has been lost due to the Dark Age Christian
missionaries. The popular image of druids in their groves of oak is not without foundation. Scholars such as Anne Ross attest,
'The Druids appear to have been especially concerned with the oak.' Indications of the importance of the sacred tree are
evident in its focal position in Celtic society. Whilst it is no longer possible to witness the groves themselves, a number
of place names apparently owe their meaning to the sacred tree. In Ireland, this is particularly pronounced, with place names
rooted in 'bile' meaning tree, or 'nemeton' meaning sacred grove. Early Irish texts, pre-dating Christianity in that land,
refer to tribal assemblies taking place under trees. Gaulish altars have been discovered representing a single tree, whilst
the Gundestrup cauldron (more of which below) depicts soldiers bearing a sacred tree.
Once evidence of tree worship in Celtic religion is established, its motivations must also be considered, although this
aspect is comparatively neglected. The Celts perceived that the sacred tree's 'longevity symbolised divine wisdom.' There
was also an extent to which they symbolised the cyclical death and rebirth of vegetation, upon which their survival depended.
However, this is not as pronounced as with Mediterranean cultures, and for the Celts, the tree symbolised the god rather than
the god symbolising the tree. In 'Pagan Celtic Britain', Anne Ross discusses the propensity of wooden idols amongst the Celts
and concludes, 'the survival of certain human figures carved from wood, and wooden head suggests... an actual anthropomorphic
representation of the deity was attempted.' It is further suggested that, 'The link between trees and divine beings is attested
from the earliest phases of the toreutic tradition where the heads... frequently wear leaf crowns, or emerge from a decorative
background of foliage, or blend into it.' The most celebrated example of such an artifact is the St. Goar pillar, discovered
in Pfalzfeld, in the Hunsrück in West Germany. Dating from the 5th century BC, and of the La Tené culture the surviving stone
pillar is 1.5m and on each of its four sides is a head bearing a foliate crown, emerging from foliate decoration. It is probable
that the pillar is representative of the sacred tree, whilst the head is the deity, demonstrated by its leaf crown.
That the head alone represented the deity is pertinent. It was argued in the previous section that a homogeneous worship
of an anthropomorphic vegetation god was widespread across the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern ancient world. However, representations
of the god were often fully personified, and more often in ritual than purely in art. In the case of the Celts, the portrayal
was confined to the head alone and this owes to the cult of the head in Celtic religious belief. The head was considered to
have been the source of the soul, and as such where all the power of the god was concentrated. Commentators discussing the
Green Man from a purely symbolic and theological perspective have considered that one of his functions when represented in
churches is to portray divine inspiration. If this is the case, then a continuity can be observed between the Celtic tradition
of representing their deities as a single head with foliate decoration, and the Green Man.
Another example of divinity indicated in Celtic decor through the foliate head is found on the famed Gundestrup cauldron.
However, there does seem to be some controversy regarding the detail. Whilst William Anderson considers that the plaque in
question on the cauldron shows the Celtic horned god Cernunnos 'with his hair formed of leaves,' Anne Ross claims it shows,
'the Celtic Jupiter, represented by a large bearded head...' She goes on to say 'it is thus not improbable that... Cernunnos
was associated with Jupiter.' In light of the Roman tendency to represent their gods with foliate beards on the Jupiter columns
discussed above, that both authors are accurate is not precluded. It is also raises an important point regarding the development
of the Green Man in the pre-Christian world: the influence of what is called 'interpretatio Romana.' This refers to the manner
in which, with the spread of the Roman Empire, Celtic deities became equated with classical counterparts, into order to afford
some respectability to a provincial Roman tendency to absorb aspects of the conquered culture.
The horned god was for the Celts, a fertility symbol, and frequently appears in tandem with phallic iconography. In consideration
of this, and the importance of the stag to pastoral societies, Cernunnos was often regarded as presiding over the forest.
Hence, interpretatio Romana associated him with their own forest deities, such as Silvanus. This is demonstrated from Romano-British
artifacts which portray the horned god in a sylvan scene, which was how the Romans tended to denote Silvanus. He was not
mentioned in the previous section because in Greco-Roman myth, despite being a god of the forest, he was never given any foliate
characteristics. However, an inscription beside a Green Man found on a fountain in St. Denis indicates that the medieval carvers
considered it to be a representation of Silvanus. If that deity was associated with Cernunnos, who was more often portrayed
with foliate decoration, then it is an understandable misconception. Moreover, if Silvanus could be associated with Cernunnos,
then it is not impossible that the similarly horned forest god Pan, and his master Dionysus were also connected. This is evident
in the Mosel Valley region of Germany, a melting pot of Roman and Celtic cultures, and where the Green Man makes one of his
first known appearances in the Christian context..
Most writers on the subject subscribe to the consensus, first proposed by Kathleen Basford, that the first use of the
Green Man in the architecture of the Church occurred when Bishop Nicentius took four, 2nd Century leaf masks from an nearby
Hadrianic temple at Am Herrenbrünnchen, and placed them around the crossing of the cathedral at Trier, when it was rebuilt
in the 6th Century. (William Anderson has shown that the actual first example is from a 4th Century tomb in Poitiers, France.
However, this is on the tomb of an individual, and does not mark its first usage as a universal feature of ecclesiastic architecture.)
Basford states, '...these memorials have been cited as being amongst the most important for the development of motif in countries
north of the Alps.' She concludes that, 'Sanctioned by long use in this venerable church in one of the earliest and most important
strongholds of Christianity in the West it could pass easily into medieval ornament.' The location is not only important
for being the nexus from which the Green Man spread through Christendom. As is acknowledged, the reliefs were taken from a
nearby temple, which pre-dated Christianity meaning that the first use of the Green Man in this circumstance is undeniably
pagan in its origin. However, how did fully developed Green Men suddenly emerge when the only previous evidence for them is
an Anatolian tradition of a resurrected anthropomorphic vegetation deity, and a Celtic tendency to represent their gods through
the motifs of a disembodied head and foliate crown?
Trier is a city located in the Mosel Valley, in Germany, founded by the Romans in 14AD. As a wine growing region, Dionysus
was a particularly important deity for Roman settlers in the area. Furthermore, the museum in Trier contains the tombs of
a number of pre-Christian wine merchants, portraying a foliate Dionysus associated with the resurrected Okeanos. As was demonstrated
in the earlier section, this was merely the latest rendering of a tradition which could be traced back to Adonis, Attis, Osiris
and Tammuz. Yet, in the heart of Western Europe, Trier also experienced a strong Celtic presence. It lies in the same region
as the Hunsrück culture which was responsible for the St. Goar pillar. This culture emerged in the La Tené period, and Anne
Ross claims, 'the leaf crown... is a feature regularly met with on the La Tené heads...' Therefore, it is possible to conclude
that interpretatio Romana at work in this region synthesised the Roman Dionysaic mystery religion with the Celtic tradition
of foliate deified heads to produce what became known as the Green Man.
iv) Historiographical Debate Regarding the Provenance of the Green Man
Despite the acceptance that the Green Man was already fully refined as an archetype upon his inclusion in Trier Cathedral,
many recent authors of studies of the image have rejected it as a pagan survival. If the Green Man is a relic of pre-Christian
tree worship in both Mediterranean and Celtic culture, then it follows that he is analogous with other surviving customs of
tree worship. However, Basford concludes that, '...it is very unlikely that he was revered as a symbol of the renewal of life
in the springtime.' Her justification for this opinion is the disparity between the euphoria which characterised such celebrations
and the moroseness of the Green Man, which she calls, 'a thing of sorrow.' More diplomatically and equivocally, Anderson concedes,
'The Green Man is generally treated as an amusing but often sinister survival of the old pagan religions...(but) it demeans
the Green Man to look upon him as a mere survival of decayed beliefs.'
However, these opinions contrast with earlier analysis of the topic. The first article published was in 1939 in Folklore
by Lady Raglan, 'The Green Man In Church Architecture.' This seminal work was also responsible for coining the term, 'The
Green Man' which had previously been regarded only as a grotesque, differing little from gargoyles. In it she proposes, 'This
figure I am convinced, is neither a figment of the imagination nor a symbol, but is taken from real life, and the question
is whether there was any figure in real life from which it could have been taken. The answer, I think, is that there is but
one of sufficient importance, the figure variously known as the Green Man, Jack-in-the-Green, Robin Hood, the King of May,
and the Garland, who is the central figure in the May Day celebrations throughout Northern and Central Europe.' This perspective
is reinforced in the 1967 Folklore article, by R.O.M. and H.M. Carter, who classify a distinct type of Green Man as, 'Jack
in the Green - a human face... peeping out from surrounding foliage. This is a representation rather than a symbol...'
This opinion is based upon the 1922 work of Sir James Frazer in The Golden Bough, a work which exerted a profound influence
upon folkloric research at the time. The difficulty is that the methods and conclusions drawn by Frazer have come under increasing
scrutiny. A common criticism leveled at him is that, 'he systematically ignored explanations which ancient or tribal peoples
or European commoners offered for their own customs.' Moreover, it is now being realised that many of Europe's 'pagan' celebrations
are revivals, rarely pre-dating the 17th Century. For instance, the Castleton Garland Ceremony (see Appendix 5) which Lady
Raglan perceives as an influence upon the Green Man is not recorded prior to the 18th Century. However, it is undeniable that
the most rudimentary of May Day rituals, the maypole, has a much older provenance. The opinion of David Clarke is, 'Although
the first written reference to the maypole comes from the 14th century, the earliest examples were not permanent structures
like the ones which survive today, but were young trees brought from the woods.'
It is probable that the maypole derives from the Celtic tree veneration, and the Anatolian rituals of Attis. Even if records
may not appear until comparatively late, prior to this documentation was largely made by the Church or by the Norman barony.
It is highly unlikely that they would pay much account of the customs of heathen Saxon serfs. Moreover, May Day rituals, whether
in the 14th Century or later, did not emerge from the ether. They certainly had little to do with Christianity, as the following
Elizabethan quote indicates. 'Against May, Whitsonday, or other time, all... run gadding over night to the woods... and in
the morning they return bringing with them birch and branches of trees, to deck their assemblies withal... there is a great
Lord present among them, as superintendent and Lord over their pastimes and sportes, namely Sathan, prince of hel.' It is
equally probable that those participating in the practices had little idea that they were participating in a 'pagan survival.'
More likely, it was regarded as an unquestioned bequeathment from their ancestors, and was so embedded in their consciousness
that little thought was given to its significance or origin.
Lady Raglan was writing at a time when the prevailing mood amongst folklorists was to twist facts to fit theories, and
the shadow of The Golden Bough hung heavy. Therefore, to her audience it was necessary for the Green Man to be a representation
of the rites of spring. It is Basford, approaching the subject as a botanist, who comes closest an accurate interpretation.
It is true that the Green Man as he is most often portrayed does not bear any resemblance to the ebullience of the spring
ceremonies. Yet this does not preclude any connection with them. That they are a mere 'representation' of the Jack-in-the-Green
as Lady Raglan suggests, can be dismissed, as it is clear that their provenance is more ancient. However, it is likely that
both derive their origin from the veneration of trees in Romano-Celtic Europe. Consequently, the Green Man and the May Day
pageants can be regarded as diverging traditions, stemming from a common source.
v) Conclusion
It has been shown how the image of the Green Man developed from the amalgamation, under interpretatio Romana, of Mediterranean
mystery religions and the Celtic cults of sacred heads and sacred trees. The former emphasised rituals commemorating the cyclical
death and rebirth of an anthropomorphic vegetation deity representing the changing of the seasons. The second emphasised both
the head and the tree as symbolic of the power and longevity of their gods. Both of these aspects are evident in the Green
Man, which remains a universal emblem of the relationship between man and the natural world, the resurrection both of our
godheads and the spring, and of divine inspiration. However, despite the apparent divergence of Celtic and Mediterranean influences,
it is likely that they too have a common ancestry in prehistory. A characteristic of veneration of the tree spirit is that
it is common to all Indo-European cultures, a race who migrated across Europe, Anatolia and Northern India long before the
great civilisations had emerged. For in addition to the more commonly cited example in the Christian architecture of Medieval
Europe, the imagery comparable to the Green Man can be found in both Buddhist and Hindu shrines in India. It is of these prehistoric
movements that ultimately, the Green Man is a legacy.
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